Domestic  Slavery  in  the  South. 


SPEECH 


or 


HON.  LUCIUS  J.  GARTRELL, 

OF  GEORGIA. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  January  25,  1858. 


Mr.  GARTRELL.  Mr.  Chairman,  a  few 
days  ago  I  desired  to  obtain  the  floor  for  the 
purpose  of  presenting  some  views  on  the  grave 
and  important  questions  growing  out  of  the 
illegal  arrest  of  General  William  Walker  anc 
his  men,  on  the  soil  of  Nicaragua.  But  the 
debate  on  that  question  having  been  temporari¬ 
ly  suspended,  and  the  matter  having  passed  to 
the  appropriate  committee  for  investigation 
and  report,  I  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  a 
subject  of  graver  importance  to  my  immediate 
constituents,  and  fraught  with  more  serious 
considerations  to  the  nation  at  large.  I  allude 
to  the  subject  of  domestic  Slavery  at  the  South, 
and  the  necessity  for  its  expansion  and  its 
perpetuation  in  this  country. 

I  am  prompted  thus  early  to  this  course  by 
the  extraordinary  speech  pronounced  on  this 
floor  a  few  days  ago  by  the  gentleman  from 
Missouri,  [Mr.  Blair.]  The  ostensible  and 
avowed  object  of  that  speech  was  the  necessity 
and  propriety  of  acquiring  territory  in  Central 
America,  wherein  to  colonize  the  free  people  of 
color  now  residing  in  the  United  States,  and 
snch  as  may  hereafter  become  free  ;  aDd  there 
to  maintain  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
freedom  as  a  dependency  of  this  Government. 

In  announcing  this  novel  and  impracticable 
policy,  the  gentleman  took  occasion,  very  gratu¬ 
itously,  to  denounce  the  institution  of  Slavery 
as  “a  cancer  on  the  face,  which,  unless  removed, 
would  eat  into  the  vitals  of  the  body  politic.” 

This  fanatical  idea,  stereotyped  and  repeated 
by  a  certain  class  of  politicians  in  this  country, 
from  the  time  of  John  Randolph  to  this  hour, 
was  as  false  at  its  inception  as  it  is  erroneous 
in  its  conclusion.  I  deny  it  emphatically ;  and 
I  am  here  to-day,  in  the  presence  of  this  Con¬ 
gress,  to  maintain  the  reverse  of  the  proposition. 

I  hold  that  the  institution  of  domestic  Slavery 
in  the  South  is  right,  both  in  principle  and 
practice ;  that  it  has  ever  been,  and  still  is,  a 
blessing  to  the  African  race  ;  that  it  has  devel¬ 
oped  the  resources  of  this  great  country  to  an 


untold  extent ;  and  that,  by  its  conservative  in¬ 
fluences,  it  has  elevated  us  in  the  scale  of  mo¬ 
rality,  wealth,  enterprise,  and  intelligence,  to  a 
point  never  attained  by  any  other  people. 

As  a  Southern  man,  proud  of  the  place  of  my 
nativity  ;  as  the  owner  of  slaves  ;  as  conscien¬ 
tious  of  my  moral  obligations,  I  trust,  as  any 
gentleman  on  this  floor,  I  hesitate  not,  here  or 
elsewhere,  to  defend  this  institution,  as  being 
strictly  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
right,  of  Christian  duties,  and  of  morality,  and 
as  having  the  highest  sanction  of  laws,  both 
human  and  divine.  I  rejoice  that  the  public 
mind  at  the  South  is  being  awakened  to  this 
view  of  the  question.  The  time  for  apologies 
by  the  South  is  past.  I  am  here  to-day  (and 
the  Southern  people  who  have  this  institution 
in  their  midst  are  to  day  prepared  to  do  the 
same)  to  stand  up  before  the  nations  of  the 
world,  and  defiantly  defend  and  justify  domestic 
Slavery,  in  its  greatest  length,  extent,  and 
breadth. 

Sir,  the  false  prophecies  of  Randolph  and 
others,  alluded  to  by  the  gentleman,  of  the  evil 
consequences  of  this  institution  on  the  moral 
and  political  interests  of  the  Southern  people, 
are  fast  being  obliterated  by  those  unerring 
teachers,  time  and  experience.  Other  nations, 
too,  are  beginning  to  see  and  to  acknowledge 
the  error  of  their  misguided  philanthropy,  and 
to  bow  in  acknowledgment  of  not  only  the  jus¬ 
tice,  but  the  wisdom  of  domestic  Slavery  in  this 
country.  France  and  England  are  beginning 
to  see  the  error  of  their  misguided  philanthropy, 
and  you  find  them  to  day  ready  to  embark  in  a 
system  of  Slavery  more  barbarous  and  op¬ 
pressive  than  this  world  has  ever  seen. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  beg  the  indulgence  of 
the  Committee  while  I  very  briefly  discuss  the 
moral  aspect  of  this  institution.  I  intend  to  do 
so  calmly,  dispassionately,  deliberately.  I  in¬ 
tend  to  make  no  charges,  against  those  who  ar¬ 
ray  all  their  influence  and  power  against  this 
institution,  that  are  not  sustained  by  facts  and 


2 


by  records.  I  am  here  to-day  as  a  Southern  I 
man;  and  I  proclaim  now,  that  this  institu¬ 
tion  is  not  only  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution 
of  your  country,  under  which  we  all  appear 
here  to-day,  but  is  sanctioned  by  records  of  the 
highest  character.  That  that  institution  has 
existed  from  the  earliest  periods  of  history,  no 
man  of  ordinary  intelligence  will  deny.  We 
learn  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  that  Abraham, 
and  many  other  wise  and  good  men  of  that  day, 
not  only  held  slaves,  but  exercised  acts  of  com 
plete  ownership  over  them  ;  and  that  Cod  him¬ 
self,  after  he  had  rescued  the  children  of  Israel 
from  the  house  of  bondage,  sanctioned  and  rec¬ 
ognised  Slavery,  both  in  principle  and  in 
practice.  In  defining  the  rules  for  their  gov¬ 
ernment  and  their  moral  observance,  it  was 
prescribed  that — 

44  Thou  shall  not  covet  thy  neighbor’s  man 
4  servant,  nor  his  maid  servant,  nor  anything 
4  that  is  thy  neighbor’s.” 

ThuB  sir,  not  only  sanctioning  S’avery,  but 
providing  for  its  protection  tor  all  time  to  come 
I  beg  leave  most  respectfully  to  commend  this 
commandment  to  the  attention  of  the  gentle¬ 
men  who  sit  on  the  other  side  of  this  Hall ; 
and,  sir,  I  trust  they  will  cease  to  covet  our  men 
servants,  and  our  maid  servants  too ;  and  if 
they  do  covet  them,  that  at  least  they  will  net 
attempt  to  deprive  us  of  them  by  means  in  vio¬ 
lation  of  the  Constitution  of  our  common  coun¬ 
try. 

Besides,  this  institution  is  not  only  recognised 
by  divine  authority,  but  it  is  perpetuated.  I 
ask  the  attention  of  the  House  to  that  portion 
of  Holy  Writ.  I  read,  sir,  from  the  Bible — from 
the  Book  of  books.  I  commend  it  to  the  peru¬ 
sal  of  gentlemen.  I  have  no  doubt  they  are  in 
the  habit  of  reading  it ;  but,  upon  this  question, 
they  seem  rather  hard  of  belief.  I  find  in  the 
25th  chapter  of  Leviticus  a  passage  which 
reads  as  follows  : 

44  44.  Both  thy  bondmen  and  thy  bondmaids, 
4  which  thou  snalt  have,  shall  be  of  the  heathen 
4  that  are  round  about  you  ;  of  them  shall  ye 
4  buy  bondmen  and  bondmaids. 

44  45.  Moreover,  of  the  children  of  the  stran- 
4  gers  that  do  sojourn  among  you,  of  them  shall 
4  ye  buy,  and  of  their  families  that  are  with  you, 
4  which  ih ey  begat  in  your  land  ;  and  they  shall 
4  be  your  possession, 

44  48.  And  ye  shall  take  them  as  an  inberit- 
4  ance  for  your  children  after  you,  to  inherit 
4  them  for  a  possession  ;  they  shall  be  your 
/  bondmen  forever.” 

African  slaves  having  been  taken  from 
among  the  heathen  by  our  ancestors  in  Eng¬ 
land,  and  by  our  forefathers  in  the  North,  we, 
as  their  descendants,  claim  them  as  an  inherit¬ 
ance  to  us  and  to  our  children,  44  to  inherit 
them  as  a  possession,”  and  they  shall  be  our 
bondmen  and  bondwomen  forever. 

Sir,  time  will  not  allow  me  to  trace  or  pursue 
this  branch  of  the  subject  farther.  I  desire  to 
read  a  short  extract,  which  ao  fully  and  so 


truthfully  expresses  my  own  sentiments  upon 
this  branch  of  the  subject,  that  I  desire  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  House  to  it.  It  is  from  a 
speech  delivered  a  few  years  ago  by  the  distin¬ 
guished  gentleman  from  Virginia  upon  my 
right,  [Mr.  Smith.]  I  desire  to  read  this  ex¬ 
tract,  and  have  it  incorporated  into  my  speech. 
That  distinguished  gentleman,  upon  that  occa¬ 
sion,  remarked  as  follows  : 

44 1  believe  that  the  institution  of  Slavery  is  a 
4  noble  one ;  that  it  is  necessary  for  the  good, 

4  the  well-being  of  the  negro  race.  Looking  to 
4  history,  I  go  further,  and  I  say,  in  the  pres- 
4  ence  of  this  assembly,  and  under  all  the  im- 
4  posing  circumstances  surrounding  me,  that  I 
4  believe  it  is  God’s  institution.  Yes,  sir,  if 
4  there  is  anything  in  the  action  of  the  great 
4  Author  of  ua  all ;  if  there  is  anything  in  the 
4  conduct  of  His  chosen  people  ;  if  there  is  any- 
4  thing  in  the  conduct  of  Christ  himself,  who 
4  came  upon  this  earth,  and  yielded  up  his  life 
4  as  a  sacrifice,  that  all  through  His  death 
4  might  live  ;  if  there  is  anything  in  the  conduct 
4  of  His  Apostles,  who  inculcated  obedience  on 
4  the  part  of  slaves  towards  their  masters  as  a 
4  Christian  duty — then  we  must  believe  that  the 
4.  institution  is  from  God.”  —  Hon.  William 
Smith ,  of  Virginia ,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Evesy  sentiment  expressed  in  that  eloquent 
extract  meets  my  hearty  approbation.  As  a 
Christian  man,  believing  in  the  teachings  of 
Holy  Writ,  I  am  here  to-day  before  a  Christian 
nation  to  reaffirm  and  reannounce  the  conclu¬ 
sion  to  which  that  distinguished  gentleman 
came — that  this  institution,  however  much  it 
may  have  been  reviled,  is  of  God. 

I  desire  now  to  notice  another  error  into 
which  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Blair] 
has  fallen.  He  told  you  and  the  country  that, 
*4  unhappily  for  the  slave  States,  many  of  their 
4  enterprising  young  men  leave  their  native 
4  land  for  those  States  where  individual  ability 
4  and  exertion  are  sufficient  to  confer  wealth  and 
4  eminence,” 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  a  fancy  sketch — the 
offspring  of  a  heated  imagina’icn.  Why,  sir, 
let  me  give  you  the  facts  as  they  exist ;  and  I 
may  say  to  that  gentleman,  that  he  knows  but 
little  of  the  enterprise,  the  industry,  and  the 
resources,  of  the  Southern  country,  and  but  lit¬ 
tle  of  the  enterprise  of  our  young  men,  if  he 
supposes  for  a  moment  that  they  are  compelled 
44  to  fly  to  other  lands  ”  to  obtain  wealth  and 
eminence.  Sir,  the  opposite  is  true.  It  is  ad¬ 
mitted  that  the  Northern  States  annually  send 
out  hundreds  of  their  young  men  to  the  South¬ 
ern  States,  in  search  of  that  employment  which 
is  denied  them  at  home;  and  there  to  receive  a 
living  and  support,  and  acquire  wealth  and 
eminence,  too,  in  the  midst  ot  what  gentlemen 
on  the  other  side  of  the  House  call  the  monopo¬ 
lizing  influence  of  the  slave  power. 

Proceedings  upon  this  floor  afford  evidence 
of  what  I  say.  A  few  days  ago,  the  facetious 


3 


gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Tua.yeu] 
declared  that  we  must  and  would  Americanize 
Central  America;  that  it  wa^  necessary  to  sup¬ 
ply  the  means  of  subsistence  for  the  superabun¬ 
dant  popu'a  ion  of  the  North.  The  gentleman 
told  us,  in  a  manner  that  really  excited  my 
sympathies,  that  the  Yankees  (I  believe  he 
termed  them)  were  in  a  tight  place,  and  must 
have  the  lands  of  Central  America  to  emigrate 
to.  Well,  air,  I  am  willing  that  our  Yankee 
friends  shall  go  there.  I  presume  they  will  go 
there ;  but  I  hope  they  will  have  a  little  better 
success  than  they  had  a  few  years  ago,  in  their 
efforts  to  redeem  the  barren  pine  fields  and 
sedge  patches  of  Virginia.  I  say  I  think  it  is 
very  likely  that  our  Yankee  friends  will  go  there, 
and,  when  there,  follow  the  example  of  those 
who  have  heretofore  gone  South — become  the 
owners  of  slaves,  aid  in  developing  the  resources 
of  the  c  ountry,  and  show  the  world  that  the  in 
Btitmion  of  domestic  Slavery  is  a  blessing,  not 
only  to  the  master,  but  to  the  sla^e. 

But,  let  me  say  to  the  gentleman  from  Mis¬ 
souri,  in  ail  kindness,  that  if  he  expects  to  plant 
a  colony  of  blacks  upon  om  Southern  borders, 
he  has  very  much  mistaken  the  spirit  of  the 
age.  It  is  a  monstrous  proposition,  to  which 
the  South  would  never  submit.  Your  efforts  at 
colonizing  the  African  race  must  always,  as 
heretofore,  prove  abortive,  because  based  upon 
a  wrong  principle  ;  you  can  no  more  enslave 
the  Anglo  Saxon  race  on  this  continent,  than 
you  can  make  freemen  of  the  Africans.  You 
would  not  dare  to  attempt  the  one,  nor  can  you 
effect  the  other.  Slavery  has  been  written  on 
the  brow  of  the  African.  The  Ethiopian  can 
not  change  his  skin,  nor  the  leopard  his  spots ; 
neither  can  the  wisdom  of  Solon  or  Lycurgus 
invent  a  system  of  laws  by  which  o  elevate  the 
African  to  political  equality  and  the  enjoyment 
of  political  sovereignty.  Sir,  my  experience 
teaches  me,  confirmed  by  daily  observations, 
that  they  are  incapable  of  self-government,  and 
must  ever  be.  You  cannot  make  freemen  our 
of  them.  They  are  idle,  dissolute,  improvident, 
lazy,  unthrifty,  who  thiuk  not  of  to-morrow,  who 
provide  but  scantily  for  to  day.  These  seem  to 
be  the  inherent  laws  of  their  nature.  You  can¬ 
not  change  this  law  of  nature. 

Several  years  ago.  Mr.  Chairman,  a  half  a 
century,  perhaps,  the  French  and  English  Gov-, 
ernments,  pursuing  what  has  turned  out  to  be  a 
misguided  phiiantaropy,  attempted  to  colonize 
the  negro,  and  give  him  political  power  and 
sovereignty.  What  has  been  the  result?  The 
experiment  resulted  in  a  failure,  and  has  be  *.n 
productive  of  evil  instead  of  benefit  to  the  black 
race.  In  1794,  the  Na  ioaa:  Assembly  of  France 
enacted  a  law  emancipating  H  yii.  In  order 
to  show  the  eff  cts  and  couseq  :euces  of  that  ill- 
advised  legislation  on  that  garden  spot  of  the 
world,  the  rich  is  and  of  Hayti,  I  desire  to  direct 
the  attention  of  the  Committee  to  a  few  statis¬ 
tics.  I  find,  sir,  I  will  repeat,  that  Hayti  was 
emancipated  by  the  act  of  the  National  Assem¬ 


bly  of  France,  in  1794.  In  1789,  the  products 
of  that  island  were  as  follows:  of  clarified  sugar, 
47,516,531  pounds  ;  in  1841,  after  this  system 
had  been  fully  tested,  of  clarified  sugar  not  a 
pound.  In  1 7 8 9 ;  of  muscovado  sugar,  93,573,300 
pounds;  1841,  1,363  pounds.  Of  eoff«e,  in  1789, 
76  335,219  pounds;  in  1841,34,114,417  pounds. 
0  cotton,  in  1789,  7,400,274  pounds  ;  in  1841, 
the  inconsiderable  quantity  of  1.591,454  pounds. 
Taese  statistics,  sir,  show  the  effect  of  that 
emancipation  upon  the  island  of  Hayti.  Fol¬ 
lowing  this  example  of  France,  Great  Britain, 
in  1833,  emancipated  the  islands  of  the  West 
Indies,  and  amongst  them  the  island  of  Jamaica 
and  of  Guiana.  I  have  statistics  to  shnw  the 
eff  ct  of  that  act  upon  the  resources,  the  wealth, 
and  the  products  of  these  places. 

Mr.  BLAIR.  I  wish  to  state  to  the  House,  at 
this  point  of  the  gentleman’s  speech,  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  island  of  Hayti,  that  the  export 
commerce  of  this  country  to  that  portion  of  the 
island  of  Ha^li  occupied  by  the  free  negroes,  is 
$350,000  greater  tPaa  the  entire  trade  with 
Mex  co,  wh  ch  has  eight  millions  of  population. 
The  export  to  Hayti,  not  including  the  Domin¬ 
ican  Republic,  lor  1851,  as  shown  by  the  book 
ou  Commercial  Relations  printed  by  this  House, 
was,  of  flour,  eight  times  more  than  that  of  Cu¬ 
ba;  of  perk,  six  ti  nes  more  ;  and  of  dry  goods, 
about  twelve  times  aa  much.  This  is  the  value 
of  that  island  which  has  been  destroyed,  as  it 
is  said,  by  the  emancipation  of  slaves. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  Conceding  the  gentle¬ 
man’s  statistics  to  be  true,  they  but  affirm  the 
position  I  have  assumed  on  this  question.  It 
13  not  how  much  it  takes  to  feed  those  negroes 
there,  but  what  they  have  made.  That  is  the 
question ;  not  your  exports  to  that  country, 
but.  thsir  exports. 

Mr.  BLAIR.  They  have  been  able  to  pay' 
for  what  they  have  got,  or  else  they  never  would 
have  received  it  from  this  country. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  They  are  supported  by 
their  festering  Governments  ;  and  I  will  show 
the  gentleman  that  those  Governments  are 
tired  of  the  burden.  But,  sir,  I  pass  on  ;  I  de: 
sire  to  show  by  statistics  the  effect  of  this 
emancipation  statute  ou  the  island  of  Jamaica 
and  Guiana.  That  statute  was  passed  in  1833*. 
In  1833,  in  the  island  of  Jamaica,  they  raised 
1,140,760  cwt.  of  sugar;  in  1849,  fifteen  years 
thereafter,  633,478  cwt.  In  1833,  11,154,307 
pounds  of  coffee ;  and  in  1849,  3,399,093  lbff. 
In  1833,  982  cwt.  of  molasses  ;  and  in  1849*, 
102  cwt.  lu  1832,  2.450,272  gallons  of  rum; 
and  in  1849,  1,778  661  gallons. 

The  effect  on  Guiana  is  more  palpable.  I 
will  not  consume  my  time  in  reading  the  statis¬ 
tics  in  regard  to  it.  1  will  simply  ask  the  report¬ 
ers  to  incorporate  them  in  my  printed  remarks. 
I  trust  gentlemen  of  the  House  will  not  object. 

GUI  an  a— exports.  •  * 

Year.  Sugar ,  Co//e>\  Molasses,  Cotton,  Jhjm, 

cwt.  lbs.  cwt.  bales.  gallons. 

|83C>  712.800  4,801.350  3-0  880  3,1f>6  2,!'55.120 
lo4U  6?7..3ii0  >  J  luJ.UJg  -  1, 5^2,142 


4 


* 


Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Missouri 
read  from  Earl  Grey’s  letters,  to  show  that  this 
colonizing  scheme  of  the  blacks  had  succeeded 
in  the  island  of  Trinidad.  That,  sir,  was  an 
exceedingly  unfortunate  example  for  the  case 
stated  by  my  friend  from  Missouri.  I  have  an 
article,  which  appeared  in  the  London  Times 
of  a  late  date,  which  disposes  very  summarily, 
by  facts  and  arguments,  of  the  position  assumed 
by  that  gentleman  in  reference  to  Trinidad. 

It  overthrows  altogether  the  predictions,  the 
imaginings,  and  fancy  sketches,  alluded  to  by 
the  gentleman,  as  taken  from  Earl  Grey’s  cor¬ 
respondence.  The  London  Times ,  the  leading 
English  journal,  combats  the  policy  of  the  Eng¬ 
lish  Government  in  breaking  down  44  the  slave 
system  of  the  West  Indies,  without  attempting 
to  replace  it  with  a  better,”  and  chronicles  the 
fact  that  those  “  colonies  are  perishing  for  the 
want  of  labor.”  It  says  : 

44  Our  attention  has  been  directed  to  a  report 
4  of  the  Council  on  immigration  for  the  island  of 
4  Trinidad,  which  shows  how  a  British  colony 

*  may  decay,  while  all  around  is  flourishing. 

4  If  Trinidad  had  remained  under  Spanish 
4  sway,  it  might,  in  spite  of  tyranny  and  mis 
4  rule,  be  the  wealthy  island  which  its  position 
4  and  fertility  would  naturally  make  it.  But 
4  we  learn  that,  although  the  island  contains 
4  one  milion  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 

*  acres,  yet  the  extent  of  all  the  land  now  un- 

*  der  cultivation  is  about  fifty-two  thousand 

*  eight  hundred  and  seven  acres ;  and  of  this 
4  area  the  sugar  plantations  cover  only  thirty- 
4  four  thousand  and  fifty-nine  acres.  The  entire 
4  number  of  agricultural  laborers  working  for 

*  wages  in  the  cultivation  of  sugar  and  cocoa 
4  is  only  fourteen  thousand,  of  whom  nearly 
4  eight  thousand  are  immigrants  from  India 
4  and  China,  introduced  at  the  public  expense.” 

And  then,  speaking  of  the  immigrants  from 
India  and  China,  and  eagerly  craving  their  en¬ 
slavement,  continues  thus : 

44  It  is  found  that  these  are  by  far  better  la- 

*  borers  for  wages  than  the  negro,  who,  it  is 
4  stated,  4  will  not  be  stimulated  to  greater  in- 
4  dustry  by  any  increase  of  wages.’  And  at 
4  the  present  time  the  planters  would  gladly 
4  obtain  labor  by  an  advance  of  wages.  The 
4  high  price  of  sugar  and  other  tropical  pro- 
4  ductions  has  stimulated  enterprise ;  a  greater 
4  extent  of  land  is  being  brought  under  cultiva- 
4  tion,  and  all  that  is  wanted  for  the  develop- 
4  ment  of  the  colony  is  a  supply  of  hands.  Such 
4  are  the  fertility  and  the  abundance  of  land, 
4  that  4  the  expense  of  establishing,  on  virgin 
4  land,  an  estate  capable  of  producing  two  hun- 
4  dred  and  fifty  hogsheads  of  sugar,  including 
4  the  coat  of  machinery  and  buildings,  would 
4  not  exceed  £6,000  sterling.’  But,  with  the 
4  present  supply  of  labor,  even  the  present  pro- 
4  duction  of  the  colony  cannot  be  kept  up.” 

These  significant  extracts  but  foreshadow  the 
disposition  of  the  English  Government  to  return 
in  this,  the  nineteenth  century,  to  a  system  of 


Slavery  more  oppressive  than  the  world  has 
ever  seen. 

That  Government,  satisfied  thalt  the  experi¬ 
ment  has  failed,  is  beginning  to  throw  aside 
these  misguided  notions  of  philanthropy.  They 
are  coming  up  to  the  spirit  of  the  age.  They 
have  had  time  to  see  the  working,  the  effect, 
the  conservative  influence,  of  domestic  Slavery 
in  this  country,  not  only  upon  the  South,  but 
upon  the  North.  And,  sir,  I  hazard  nothing 
in  the  assertion  here  t3-day,  (and  I  appeal  to 
my  Northern  friends  for  the  truth  of  it,)  that 
slave  labor  and  the  products  of  slave  labor  have 
done  more  to  build  up  your  Lowells,  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  your  railroads,  to  rear  your 
cities,  and  make  you  (as  you  justly  are)  a  proud, 
intelligent,  Christian  people,  than  anything  else. 

I  say  that  the  cotton  bag  has  effected  more 
than  all  other  powers  together.  That  propo¬ 
sition  cannot  be  controverted — it  will  not  be 
controverted.  I  have  statistics,  and  can  dem¬ 
onstrate  it  clearly  to  any  one,  that  the  products 
of  slave  labor  have  done  more,  not  only  to  ele¬ 
vate  this  country  in  point  of  wealth  and  enter¬ 
prise,  not  only  to  develop  its  resources,  North 
as  well  as  South,  but,  sir,  they  have  done  more 
to  evangelize  and  christianize  the  nation  than 
all  other  causes  combined.  I  see  that  some  of 
our  friends  over  the  way  smile  at  the  remark. 
It  is  suggested  by  a  friend  behind  me  that  they 
are  displeased  with  the  truth  of  it. 

Mr.  LOYEJOY.  Will  the  gentleman  allow 
me  to  request  him  to  read,  in  connection  with 
what  he  has  already  read  from  the  Bible,  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  verses  of  the  twenty- 
third  chapter  of  Deuteronomy,  or  allow  me  to 
read  them  ? 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  I  will  let  the  gentleman 
read  them. 

Mr.  LOVE  JOY.  They  are  as  follows: 

“  15.  Thou  shalt  not  deliver  unto  his  master 
4  the  servant  which  is  escaped  from  his  master 
4  unto  thee. 

“16.  He  shall  dwell  with  thee,  even  among 
4  you,  in  that  place  which  he  shall  choose,  in 
‘  one  of  thy  gates  where  it  liketh  him  best ; 
4  thou  shalt  not  oppress  him.” 

I  would  also  like  the  gentleman  to  quote  the 
eighth  commandment,  in  connection  with  the 
tenth. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  I  will  ask  the  gentleman 
a  question,  and  I  hope  he  will  answer  it  cate¬ 
gorically.  Does  the  gentleman  consider  the 
African  equal  to  the  white  man  ? 

Mr.  LOVE  JOY.  That  depends  altogether 
upon  his  character,  sir.  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  The  gentleman  has  read 
from  Deuteronomy  to  show  that  thou  shouldst 
not  deliver  up  a  slave  who  escapes  from  his 
master.  I  ask  the  gentleman  whether  he  abides 
by  that  text,  or  whether  he  abides  by  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  his  forefathers  and  mine,  which 
says  that  the  runaway  slave  shall  be  delivered 
up  ? 

Mr.  LOVE  JOY.  I  understood  the  gentle- 


5 


f 


man  to  say,  in  his  speech,  that  the  Bible  was  a 
li  higher  law,”  binding  every  one  ;  and,  in  the 
second  place,  I  abide  by  the  Bible  and  the 
Constitution,  for  the  Constitution  says  no  such 
thing. 

Mr.  G  A.RTRELL.  The  gentleman  says  that 
he  abides  by  the  Bible  and  the  Constitution. 
Then,  sir,  he  must  go  South,  and  settle  upon 
our  plantations.  We  claim  you  as  a  slave 
holder.  We  claim  you  as  an  advocate  of  the 
principle  and  the  practice ;  for  the  Bible  says — 
God,  in  the  Bible,  himself  says — “  Thou  shalt 
not  covet  thy  neighbor’s  man  servant  nor  his 
maid  servant.”  And  further  on  it  is  expressly 
inculcated  that  slaves  owe  obedience  to  their 
masters,  and  ought  to  render  it.  And,  further¬ 
more,  that  they  shall  be  our  inheritance,  our 
possession,  our  bondmen,  forever. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  proceed  very 
briefly  in  my  line  of  argument.  I  was  appre¬ 
hensive  that  these  quotations  from  Holy  Writ 
might  occasion  a  little  fluttering  over  the  way. 
It  is  well  enough,  however,  to  revert  occasion¬ 
ally  to  sound  principles — to  go  to  the  fountain¬ 
head. 

Mr.  STANTON.  Will  the  gentleman  per¬ 
mit  me  to  ask  him  a  question? 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  Certainly. 

Mr.  SEWARD.  I  object  to  farming  out  the 
floor  in  this  way. 

Mr.  STANTON.  Does  the  gentleman  [Mr. 
Gartrell J  understand  his  quotations  from 
Holy  Writ  as  applying  to  African  slaves? 

Mr.  GARTRELL  I  understand  them  to 
apply  to  all  kinds  of  Slavery  ;  while  the  Afri 
cans  were,  as  I  understand,  the  heathen  spoken 
of  and  alluded  to  by  the  Scriptures. 

Mr.  STANTON.  Then,  as  I  understand 
the  gentlemen,  it  is  not  a  question  of  color  or 
race,  but  a  question  of  social  condition. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  Having  disposed  of  this 
branch  of  the  question,  and  finding  my  time 
running  short,  1  deem  it  unnecessary - 

Mr.  BURROUGHS.  I  ask  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  House,  that  the  gentleman  be 
allowed  to  finish  his  speech,  and  say  all  he  has 
to  say. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  I  am  very  much  obliged 
to  the  gentleman  ;  and  I  should  be  very  much 
obliged  to  the  Committee,  if  it  chose  to  extend 
to  me  this  unusual  courtesy.  I  will  not,  how¬ 
ever,  claim  it.  I  cannot  ask  it  at  its  hands. 

But  I  desire  to  consider  another  question  al¬ 
luded  to  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  [Mr. 
Blair,  ]  and  it  is  but  a  repetition  of  the  argu¬ 
ment  that  seems  to  have  been  current  in  the 
Northern  States  for  many  years.  It  is  said, 
Mr.  Chairman,  very  exultingly,  too,  that  this 
institution  of  Slavery  at  the  South  has  a  demor 
alizing  effect  on  the  social  position  of  the 
people  of  that  section.  I  deny  it.  I  hold,  sir, 
that  the  statistics  of  this  country  show  the  re¬ 
verse  to  be  true.  If  crime,  if  pauperism,  if  in¬ 
digence,  if  want,  if  misery,  be  evidences  of  de¬ 
moralization,  then  to-day  the  Southern  people 


occupy  a  proud  position,  as  contrasted  with 
that  of  its  accusers.  I  call  the  attention  of 
gentlemen  to  some  statistics  taken  from  the 
census  report  of  1850.  Under  the  head  of 
“crime,”  I  find  that  in  the  Northern  States  the 
number  of  native-born  persons  oonvicted  of 
crime  was  ten  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
twenty-three ;  while  in  the  Southern  States 
they  were  but  nineteen  hundred  and  seventeen. 
The  number  of  foreign-born  persons  convicted 
of  crime  in  the  Northern  States  was  twelve 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-nine;  in 
the  Southern  States,  but  eight  hundred  and 
ninety-four.  The  total  number  in  the  North 
being  twenty-three  thousand  six  hundred  and 
twelve,  and  in  the  slaveholding  States  but  two 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eleven.  Then, 
sir,  under  the  head  of  “  pauperism,”  I  find  that 
the  number  of  native  born  paupers  in  the 
Northern  States,  in  the  same  year,  was  fifty 
thousand  and  twenty-three  ;  while  in  the  South¬ 
ern  States  it  was  but  sixteen  thousand  four 
hundred  and  eleven.  Of  foreign- born  paupers 
there  were,  in  the  Northern  States,  sixty-three 
thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-nine;  and  in 
the  Southern  States  four  thousand  eight  hun¬ 
dred  and  forty-nine.  Total  number  of  paupers 
in  the  Northern  States,  one  hundred  and  thir¬ 
teen  thousand  seven  hundred  and  twelve ;  in 
the  Southern  States,  twenty-one  thousand  two 
hundred  and  sixty. 

It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  read  these  statis¬ 
tics  ;  but  I  read  them  not  only  in  defence,  but 
in  justification,  of  the  system  of  domestic  Sla¬ 
very,  as  it  exists  in  my  section,  and  which  I  am 
here  to-day  ready  and  prepared  to  defend 
against  all  comers  and  goers.  I  say  that  I  re¬ 
gret  this  state  of  things.  I  do  not  refer  to  them 
to  the  disparagement  of  the  intelligence,  mo¬ 
rality,  enterprise,  or  industry,  of  our  Northern 
brethren.  They  are  exempt  from  it  as  much 
as  most  people  are.  I  honor  them  for  their  in¬ 
telligence  ;  I  honor  them  as  Christian  people ; 
l  honor  them  for  their  enterprise ;  I  honor 
them  when  they  stand  by  the  Constitution  of 
our  fathers.  But,  when  they  seek,  a3  some  have 
sought  on  this  floor,  and  as  others  seek  else¬ 
where,  to  wage  war  on  the  constitutional  rights 
of  my  people,  I  may  be  permitted  to  tell  them 
of  their  own  faults,  and  to  cite  the  records  of 
their  own  misfortunes. 

But  I  will  not  s top  here,  sir.  I  will  read  to 
you  an  extract  from  a  report  made  by  a  com¬ 
mittee  appointed  a  few  years  ago  by  the  Legis¬ 
lature  of  New  York,  and  which  report  throws 
a  great  deal  of  light  on  this  question. 

This  report  shows : 

“  It  seems  that  a  committee  was  sent  by  the 
1  Legislature  of  New  York  to  look  into  the  con- 
1  dition  of  the  lower  and  working  classes  of  the 
‘  city.  They  report,  April  4,  1856,  that  in  twen- 
‘  ty-two  districts  twelve  hundred  tenement  houses 
‘  are  occupied  by  ten  families  each,  in  some  by 
‘  seventy  families,  others  one  hundred,  and  in 
‘  one,  in  particular,  one  hundred  and  forty-six 


6 


1  families,  or  more  than  an  average  of  one  fam- 
4  ily  and  a  half  to  each  room  !  But  let  the  com- 
4  miitae  speak : 

“  ‘  In  the  houses  visited  by  your  committee, 

4  sights  were  presented  to  them  alike  startling 
4  and  painful  to  behold.  In  many ,  whites  and 
4  blacks  were  living  indiscriminately  together  ; 

4  negro  men  with  white  women ,  and  white  men  j 
4  with  negro  women.  YouDg  faces,  haggard 
4  with  want  and  sickness,  and  bearing  that 
4  peculiar  look  of  premature  old  age  imparted 
‘  by  early  sin,  gazed  at  them  from  every  corner; 

‘  misery  and  vice  in  their  most  repulsive  fea- 
4  tures  met  them  at  very  step.  Scarcely  an 
4  apartment  was  free  from  sicknes  and  disease, 

‘  and  the  blighting  curse  of  drunkenness  had 
4  fallen  upon  almost  every  family.  Here  and 
4  there  might  be  found,  it  is  true,  some  attempt 
4  at  cleanliness,  some  display  of  a  love  of  home, 

4  some  evidences  of  industry  and  sobriety,  with 
4  their  natural  accompaniments,  cheerfulness 
4  and  good  health.  But  these,  your  committee 
4  found,  were  in  most  instances  families  that 
4  had  not  long  been  inhabitants  of  the  neigbor- 
4  hoods  in  which  they  lived.  Tae  demoraliza- 
4  tion  and  ruin  apparent  all  around  had  not 
4  had  time  to  do  their  work  on  them.  It  is  to 
4  be  feared  that  too  soon  the  miaomal  air  will 
4  creep  into  their  system5!,  undermining  the 
4  3turdy  constitution,  and  prostrating  i's  victims 
4  on  a  bed  of  sickness.  Health  failing  them, 

4  want  will  follow  ;  and  then  must  come  crowd- 
4  ing  rapidly  upon  them,  neglect  of  home,  neg- 
4  lect  of  children,  uncleanliness,  drunkenness, 

4  and  crime.  This  is  no  fancy  sketch,  no  pic- 
4  ture  of  the  imagination.  It  is  a  stern  reality, 

4  enacted  every  day  in  the  midst  of  luxury  and 
4  wealth,  the  natural  and  fearful  result  of  the 
4  rapacity  of  landlords  in  an  overcrowded  city, 

4  unrestrained  by  conscience,  and  wholly  un- 
4  checked  by  legislation.’  ” 

I  will  not  pursue  this  report  further,  but  I 
simply  recommend  it  to  the  attention  of  the 
gentleman  and  of  the  Committee.  I  did  not 
cite  it  for  the  purpose  of  displaying  the  misery, 
the  woe,  the  destitution,  aid  the  want,  cf  the 
poorer  classes  of  the  North.  God  knows  they 
have  my  sympathy  and  my  commiseration.  I 
would  that  it  were  in  my  power  to  relieve  the 
poor  of  the  North  as  well  as  the  poor  of  the 
South.  I  have  read  this  extract,  not  to  bring 
a  blush  to  the  faces  of  my  Northern  triends  ;  I 
read  it  in  sorrow.  I  read  it,  however,  with 
a  hope  that  I  might  thereby  encourage  them 
to  begin  the  good  work  at  home ;  that  I  might 
thereby  assist  in  relieving  the  poor  and  mis¬ 
erable  and  destitute  there,  by  reminding  onr 
friends  of  that  charity  which  begins  at  home. 
Where,  in  the  South,  Mr.  Chairman,  could  we 
find  misery  and  want  and  wretchedness  and 
destitution  like  that  reported  by  t,hi3  able  and 
intelligent  committee  of  the  Legislature  of 
New  York?  Go  to  the  negro  plantation,  if 
you  please,  and  what  will  you  find  ?  Health, 
plenty  to  eat,  good  clothes,  comfortable  beds, 


and  but  one  family  in  a  house.  You  will 
ransack  even  the  pages  of  Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin, 
and  you  will  find  no  picture  cf  misery  and 
destitution  which  will  compare  with  that  por¬ 
trayed  in  the  extract  which  I  have  just  read. 
No,  sir;  that  book,  which  may  be  justly  char¬ 
acterized  as  a  picture ,  a  libel,  painted  by  the 
hand  of  slander,  will  furnish  nothing  to  com¬ 
pare  with  it. 

But,  sir,  I  will  not  pursue  this  branch  of  the 
argument  further.  What  I  have  said  has  been 
with  a  view  to  modify,  and  soften  down,  by 
bringing  about  reflection  and  consideration  of 
this  qm  sticn,  rather  than  to  excite.  I  depre¬ 
cate  excitement.  I  had  hoped  that  in  this  Con¬ 
gress  at  least  we  should  have  been  exempt  from 
the  continual  excitement  upon  the  S'avery  ques¬ 
tion.  I  had  hoped  that  it  would  have  been 
taken  from  the  Hails  of  Congress,  and  left  where 
the  legislation  of  Congress  properly  leaves  it — 
to  the  people  of  the  Territory,  when  they  come 
to  frame  their  Constitution,  and  apply  for  admis¬ 
sion  into  tae  Union.  Sir,  these  were  my  expect¬ 
ations,  and  they  were  reasonable  and  just,  be¬ 
cause  the  legislation  of  the  country,  which  re¬ 
ceived  the  sanction  of  Congress  and  the  ap¬ 
probation  of  the  people  in  the  last  Presidential 
election,  had  met  this  question,  and  taken  it 
from  the  Halls  of  Congress,  and  put  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  people  of  the  Territories,  when 
they  were  prepared  to  lay  aside  their  Territorial 
condition,  and  assume  that  of  a  State  sovereignty. 
But,  hardly  had  we  met  within  the  walls  of  this 
Capitol,  and  Congress  organized,  before  the  bat¬ 
tle  cry  was  raised,  and, 

■‘Oiice  more  unto  the  breach,  dear  friends,  once  more!  '* 

was  heard  through  the  ranks  of  the  Black  Re¬ 
publican  party.  Why  these  continual  aggres¬ 
sions  ?  W  hy  deny  to  us,  to-day,  our  rights  under 
the  Constitution  of  our  country  ?  I  beg  to  ask, 
what  have  the  Southern  people  done  to  war¬ 
rant  it  ?  When  have  they  ever  waged  war  upon 
your  rights?  When  have  they  ever  proved  rec¬ 
reant  to  the  Constitution  of  your  lathers  and 
ours  ?  When  have  they  ever  refused  to  expend 
their  blood  and  treasure  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  common  honor  and  integrity  of  the  na¬ 
tion  ?  When  have  they  ever  failed  to  stand  by 
their  Northern  breihern  in  their  hour  of  trial  ? 
Sir,  the  South  has  always  been  true  and  loyal 
to  the  Constitution.  She  is  loyal  to  it  now;  she 
is  ready  to  preserve  it  for  your  children  and 
their  children — that  they,  arm  in  arm,  and  hand 
in  hand,  may  perpetuate  it  to  our  latest  poster¬ 
ity.  But,  in  order  to  do  this,  I  tell  gentlemen 
plainly,  I  tell  them  dispassionately,  I  tell  them 
coolly  and  deliberately,  that  your  assaults  must 
cease.  Sir,  I  think  I  know  something  of  South¬ 
ern  loyalty,  as  well  as  Southern  impatience 
under  your  encroachments,  and  I  tell  gentle¬ 
men  that  the  time  has  come  when  this  question 
has  to  be  met  fairly  by  your  action  in  this 
House.  Upon  the  action  of  this  Congress  must 
depend  the  union  or  disunion  of  this  great  Con¬ 
federacy. 


mtlemen  need  not  tell  me  that  I  am  an 
|niat  or  an  alarmist ;  that  the  South  hai 
lened  disunion  before,  and,  when  the  hour 
f,  she  backed  out.  Sir,  I  tell  you  this  is  no 
threat.  Indeed,  it  is  not  made  as  a  threat, 
is  a  warning1.  It  is  my  duty  to  speak  thus 
ily  here,  and  to  announce  the  deep  seated, 
|®avering,  unalterable  determination  of  the 
gwsses  of  cur  people  at  the  South,  of  all  par- 
Ws,  to  have  equality  in  this  Union,  or  inde- 
Kndence  out  of  it.  It  is  best  that  individuals, 
K  well  as  States,  should  be  plain  and  candid 
PPith  each  ether.  I  do  not  speak  thus  to-day  to 
alarm  gentlemen.  I  am  not  here  to  suppose 
that  anything  I  may  say  would  alarm  our  friends 
on  the  other  side  of  the  House.  If  I  speak 
feelingly,  it  is  because  I  feel  deeply  on  this  ques¬ 
tion  of  preserving  intact  the  Constitution  of 
the  country  ;  of  preserving  our  glorious  flag, 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  the  rights  and 
honor  of  the  South.  The  Union  cannot  be 
preserved,  unless  our  rights  are  protected.  I 
Bhould  be  recreant  to  my  duty,  if  I  did  not  pro¬ 
claim  this  determination  no  longer  to  submit 
to  insult  and  outrage.  I  have  the  honor  of 
representing  fifteen  thousand  freemen  upon  this 
floor  ;  and  I  hazard  nothing  in  saving  that 
every  man  of  them  will  respond  “  amen  ”  to  the 
sentiments  I  express  here  to  day.  I  hazard  noth¬ 
ing  when  I  assert  that  there  will  not  be  found 
in  that  constituency  one  man  who  is  not  ready 
and  determined  to  proclaim,  as  I  proclaim 
to-day,  that  if  you  will  preserve  the  Union  of 
these  States,  you  must  give  us  the  full  measure 
of  our  constitutional  rights.  We  ask  nothing 
more  —  we  will  take  nothing  less.  Is  there 
anything  unreasonable  in  this  ?  But,  sir,  this 
brings  me  to  to  the  Kansas  ques'ion,  and  I 
understand  that  I  have  but  five  minutes  left, 
in  which  to  discuss  it. 

Mr.  BURROUGHS.  I  renew  the  request 
that,  by  unanimous  consent,  the  gentleman 
be  allowed  to  go  on  until  he  has  finished  his 
8p66cll. 

Mr.  FLORENCE.  I  object  The  gentleman 
will  understand  the  reason  for  my  objection. 

Mr.  GARTRELL.  I  desire  to  say,  for  my 
time  has  been  very  brief,  that  what  I  have  said 
has  been  directed  mainly  to  the  attainment  of 


two  objects.  These  objects  are  paramount 
with  me  to  day.  Proud  as  an  American  citi¬ 
zen,  proud  of  the  country,  and  the  whole  coun¬ 
try,  of  the  North  as  weli  as  the  South,  my  ob¬ 
ject  is  to  demand  forbearance  at  your  hands, 
and  preserve,  if  we  can,  the  Uniou  of  our  fa¬ 
thers.  My  second  object  is  to  have  secured  to 
the  people  of  the  South  their  constitutional 
rights,  fully,  entirely,  and  effectually.  You 
may  drive  me  from  my  first  position  ;  you  may 
force  me  to  abandon  the  Union  5  you  may  tear 
the  stars  and  stripes,  under  which  our  fathers 
fought  and  won  our  liberties,  and  trample  it 
under  foot ;  you  may  drive  me  from  my  advo¬ 
cacy  of  the  Union  ;  but,  sir,  never,  while  I 
have  an  arm  to  raise  or  a  tongue  to  speak,  a 
heart  to  feel  or  a  hand  to  strike,  can  you  drive 
me  from  the  maintenance  of  Sjuthern  rights 
and  Southern  equality. 

I  tell  gentlemen,  further,  that  in  order  to 
preserve  that  Union,  you  must  admit  Kansas 
as  a  State  into  this  Union  with  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  You  must  admit  her  as  a  siave 
State,  with  that  Constitution.  And  why  ?  Sir, 
this  whole  Kansas  question  is  “  in  a  nut-shell/’ 
It  depends  upon  a  single  principle — it  is  the 
doctrine,  the  principle  of  non  intervention,  sus¬ 
tained  by  the  great  Democratic  party  of  the 
country  in  the  last  Presidential  election.  Dem¬ 
ocrats  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  other 
Northern  States,  have  gallantly  and  manfully 
stood  by  this  principle.  I  honor  them  for  it. 
The  South  honors  them  for  it.  They  are  Na¬ 
tional  Democrats ;  and,  as  such ,  are  dear  to 
the  people  of  my  section.  We  honor  them  for 
their  devotion  to  principle.  But,  sir,  I  said 
this  Kansas  question  depends  upon  the  great 
principle  of  non  intervention.  Has  that  prin¬ 
ciple  been  observed?  I  say  it  has  not.  We 
have  had  intervention  there.  It  has  been  the 
intervention  of  Walker  and  Stanton  against  the 
South,  and  in  favor  of  the  North ;  and  it  does 
not  lie  in  the  mouths  of  gentlemen  to  make  ob¬ 
jection  to  her  admission  now.  It  is  true  the 
South  has  achieved  a  triumph  in  Kansas ;  but 
it  was  a  victory  won  over  intervention  on  the 
part  of  the  officers  of  the  General  Government 
against  Slavery  and  against  the  South. 

[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 


BUELL 


/ 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

&  BLANCHARD,  PRINTERS. 

1858. 


I 


